Figure 1 : For Kiribati Island less than 2 m above
sea level adaptation measures to global warming are a matter of survival (Credit: Rafeal Avila Coya/Creative Commons)
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The Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) is a group of low-lying and coastal states such as Kiribati Island (See Figure 1 above) highly vulnerable to climate change. Adaptation for these countries could be difficult and many governments are already considering mass relocation.
AOSIS has a membership of around forty states from all oceans and regions of the world: Africa, Caribbean and in the Asian Pacific regions. They are mostly very small islands: Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Comoros, Cook Islands, Federated States of Micronesia, Grenada, Kiribati, Maldives, Marshall Islands, Nauru, Niue, Palau etc. But there are also large countries such as: Cape Verde, Cuba, Dominican Republic,Guinea-Bissau, Guyana,Haiti, Jamaica, Mauritius, Papua New Guinea, Puerto Rico, Singapore etc.
The outcome of the Doha Kyoto 2 meeting is not really a progress
Most of the honest or openminded people
would like to say that the glass of water is half full and not half empty. It
is true that most of a possible better future engraved in the Kyoto Agreement
has been protected and even some new principle on "Loss and Damage"
accepted to be discussed.
But on the other hand the new period of
the Kyoto protocol shows very low level of commitment , a reduction of the committed countries and no increase of effort
to scale down carbon emissions.
There are still blocking tactics from USA-
in spite of President Obama promises- together with Canada, New Zealand and
Japan.
- While not party to the Kyoto protocol, US administration has been opposed to any other issues such as mitigation investment funding in developing countries and “Loss & Damage” new concept. Despite the devastation of super storm Sandy and US pools showing a strong support to a mitigation policy, President Obama legacy won't be any better than that of President Bush.
- Canada and New Zealand have pursued their stance of supporting USA in continuously blocking any progress. New Zealand even proposed bluntly than Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) financing facility could be opened to country not party to the protocol.
- Japan has refused to sign to a second commitment period and while being the second largest donor has even refused to pledge any money for the funding of mitigation Investments. This is done in the wake of the Fukushima nuclear disaster and the coming up of a more nationalist stance in the country.
- Russian Federation - the fifth largest polluter with an economy based on oil and gas- was a party for the first period but has refused to commit to the second. It seems that the "Hot Air" issue concerning the emissions rights accumulated during the first period and not used due to the collapse of Russian economy in the 90's was the reason or pretext put forwards.
- EU countries showed poor willingness to progress really on the Kyoto agenda without anymore commitment from other parties. They even decided to take the side of Poland on the "hot air" issue concerning its accumulated rights . Nevertheless they proposed to increase their GHG emissions from 20% to 30% but only on the condition that there were a general agreement. Furthermore some countries including Germany, France, UK, Denmark proposed to pledge money around 10 bil USD for the finance mitigation mechanism.
- Less developed countries were disappointed by the lack of outcome on finance but the “Loss & Damage” principle for them is a big achievement because it could provide an angle to further juridical actions against high fossil energy investments in the future. AOSIS countries fell short of what they have been asking; the outcome was the best they could attain due to US constant blocking of any kind of progress.
Collectively all committed parties on Kyoto
2 are targeting GHG emission reductions by 2020 to be lower than 18% on 1990 level. But this
concerns only 15-20% of world emissions and is judged insufficient by IPCC scientists who are proposing a 30%
reduction on 1990 to cope with the 2° C target increase for world average temperatures by
2050. The Kyoto agreement will be binding 90 days after 3/4 of the committed parties have formally approved it, and there is a risk that Belarus along with Ukraine and Kazakhstan finally decide to withdraw.
As discussed in my post dated 6 July, the
parties have agreed in the "Durban Platform" to discuss targets in 2015 for a new general agreement to come into force by 2020. As such it makes sense to have a formal agreement until end of 2020 in order to prepare the outcome of a more ambitious agreement from 2020
onwards.
The agreement of a "Loss and Damage"
principe- if there is a final resolution on this issue- might open the risk that new investments on fossil fuel may become stranded if some group of countries such as AOSIS
place a juridical action.
So in our view the Doha agreement on a second period of commitment for the reduction of GHG under the Kyoto agreement may help but is not
really a progress to permit a general agrement contemplated under the Durban Platform: some innovative thinking is necessary if we want to agree
on a new general agreement by 2015-2020.
Is a new paradigm possible to distribute fairly GHG 's reduction efforts between South and North countries ?
Maybe there is a need to change a little
bit the format of discussion. At the core of the opposition we find two
problems:
- Some countries such as Canada, Russian Federation might feel that maybe for them global warming by opening up to human life new territories is more an opportunity than a disaster; maybe it is normal that they try to stay outside of the general agreement, but then it is necessary to organize such "opt out" provision.
- Non EU industrialized countries such as USA, Canada or Japan want to share the burden of GHG's reduction equally with less developed countries; but China, Indian or Brazil disagree taking argument from the huge fossil energy past consumptions. They claim that GHG stocks contained in forests are not evenly distributed due to variation in the past of manmade “land use and land-use change and forest” (LULUCF) in conjunction with past development or the most advance countries .
To solve this issue we propose the
following rationale:
First: each country has the right to freely use its own biocapacity
such as forests, ground and water areas located on its own territory in
order to absorb or recycle part of its
GHG outputs: only net GHG output after recycling in the country own
territory should be considered as its atmospheric "GHG waste".
Second: if we are able to foresee the atmospheric
world emissions of GHG in the future then we are able to do the same for the
past periods; we have the history of GHG accumulated in the atmosphere from the
ice's sample core drilled in the poles, we have the historical record of
population, GHG emissions including LULUCF by
country: then for the past we should
be able to attribute each mil ton of
accumulated atmospheric GHG waste to each
countries.
Third: it is not necessary to compute the past period further backward before the Industrial revolution around 1900 when the worldwide
population was only 1600 mil persons on
which 400 in Europe, 900 in Asia, 150 in Africa and 150 in all America and
Oceania.
Forth: then applying
the "polluter pays " principle each country or eco- zone
grouping of countries should have an obligation to
take care of its own atmospheric GHG waste from the past periods; this means that Asian-Pacific countries which available biocapacities are stressed by the hight level of population should take their share of the necessary reduction.
Cumulative CO2 emissions 1990-2004 in mil ton CO2
The following Figure 2 is an
aggregation between the CO2 emissions on 1900-2004 provided by the World Resources Institute (187 countries) and the figures on 2005-2011
established by PBL Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency (Trends in global CO2 emissions; 2012 Report) and concerning only the countries in annex I and II
of the Kyoto protocol. Furthermore the Figure 2 refers only to the biggest
polluter among the Kyoto protocol’s annex I and II parties, which are around
80% of the total of annex I and II countries.
On the 1900-2011 period of 111 years, the four biggest CO2 polluters are USA, EU 27, China and Russia respectively: 354, 301, 143 and 102 bil tons. But the variation of each zone bocapacity - bigger in Northa America and Russia, weaker in Europe and Asia- should be taken into account and permit to modutale proportinally each zone reduction efforts.
In the following Figure 3 (Trends in global CO2 emissions; 2012 Report) we can see the variation of CO2 emissions located in main countries during the first period of the Kyoto protocol.
The huge amount of Chinese CO2 emissions from 1990 to 2011- almost multiplied by
4 - is in relation with China becoming the "power house" of the world.
Figure 3: Variation of main countries’ CO2 emissions by 1900-2005-2010-2011 |
CO2 pollution figures above
are based on emissions located in each country - and not final consumption- and
this is what we must do if we want to compare with the country’s biocapacity.
Emissions therefore include what is contained in final consumption, investment
and net export balance (export-import), which heavily weight on a country like
China, whose development model is export-oriented and each year invest heavily on
equipment and infrastructure.